analysis
With the sole government under the new Prime Minister Rumen Radev, Bulgaria is regaining stability for the first time in a long time. The big question remains his relationship with Kremlin ruler Vladimir Putin.
April 21, 2026, 04:48April 21, 2026, 04:48
Rudolf Gruber / ch media
A week has passed since the spectacular vote-out of the Orban system in Hungary. Now voters in Bulgaria have also cleaned up the corrupt oligarch mafia in a similarly radical way. But unlike Péter Magyar, who wants to lead Hungary back to Europe, Rumen Radew, an EU skeptic who wants to bring his country closer to Russia again, prevailed in Bulgaria.
After the polls closed, election winner Rumen Radev is surrounded by the media.Image: keystone
Radev, who resigned as president in January in order to lead Bulgaria out of the ongoing crisis after eight elections within five years, has, according to preliminary results, won 45 percent of the votes or 140 of 240 seats with his party “Progressive Bulgaria” (PB), thus winning an absolute majority straight away.
The pro-European bourgeois parties lagged far behind: the Gerb party of long-time ex-Prime Minister Boyko Borissov, the head of the so-called “oligarch mafia”, only accounted for 13.4 percent. His confidant Deljan Peewski, the country’s most hated politician, even fell back to 6.8 percent with his EU-friendly business party DPS. The third strongest force was the bourgeois-liberal reform alliance “Democratic Bulgaria” (PP-DB) with 12.8 percent.
Following the current European trend, the extreme right-wing, fascist “Wasrashdan” (rebirth) also suffered a setback: the sister party of the AfD lost two-thirds of its voters and only barely made it into parliament. The post-communist BSP, which was still in power years after the fall of power in 1989, was thrown out of the people’s representation for the first time.
Radev benefited from the decline of almost all parties, regardless of their political orientation. Above all, the bourgeois, EU-friendly oligarch mafia paved the way to victory for him even before the election: their unwillingness to reform, cynicism of power and excessive self-enrichment of their political leaders have made Bulgaria the poorest EU state and driven a fifth of the population – especially the most qualified – abroad.
Only five parties left in the new parliament
But how Radev plans to keep his central election promise to abolish the corrupt system has so far been left open. He cannot wait long to introduce appropriate laws and concepts: the absolute majority practically obliges him to address the country’s basic problem quickly and effectively. The mere fact that there are no difficult coalition negotiations this time and that a sole government ensures a certain degree of stability is a win for the country on the Black Sea. The previously hopelessly fragmented parliament now only has five parties instead of nine.
However, Radev is not the Bulgarian Orban he is often portrayed as. The former president and air force commander represents pro-Russian positions, rejects arms aid for Ukraine and EU sanctions against Russia. But a blocking policy towards the EU at any price is not a concept for him – not least since Orban’s resounding failure with it. Bulgaria can afford even less than Hungary to have EU funding frozen for constitutional reasons.
Nevertheless, Radev is steering the country into a dead end in the medium term with a pro-Russian course. He calls for “more pragmatism” in Ukraine policy – not from the aggressor Russia, but from the EU and NATO. He also expects more willingness to engage in dialogue not from Moscow, but from Kiev. In doing so, Radev ignores the fact that Russia is neither interested in serious talks nor in ending the war as long as Ukraine does not completely surrender.
Vladimir Putin is not dependent on Radev’s suggestions. Rather, there is a risk that Russia will significantly increase the pressure on Bulgaria – which is also a frontline state in the Ukraine war: Putin’s spokesman was already “encouraged” by Radev’s statements.
Radev still has the chance to defend himself against the role of becoming the new Trojan horse for Moscow within the EU and NATO after Orban’s departure. But Brussels must support him in this and act much more vigilantly and decisively against Russian influence than was done in the case of Hungary. (aargauerzeitung.ch)