Must find someone for the office of president – Hungary’s Prime Minister Peter Magyar.Image: keystone
Judit Polgar thwarts the new head of government’s plan: Four questions and answers about state restructuring in Hungary.
July 22, 2026, 10:40July 22, 2026, 12:56 p.m
Maria Steinmayr / ch media
Judit Polgar has rejected the nomination offered to her for the office of President of Hungary. “I don’t feel I have enough strength to take on the historic responsibility to unite a divided nation,” she said. The 49-year-old is considered the best chess player in history: at the age of 15 she became a grandmaster, was the only woman to reach the top ten in the world rankings and defeated Garry Kasparov in 2002.
Prime Minister Peter Magyar offered her the vacant post without consulting her first. The episode shows his courage to make unusual personnel decisions, but also a certain urge to stage things. At the same time, it raises a larger question: Will Magyar find enough independent and competent people to restructure the state?
Although the president primarily has representative tasks, he can reject laws or submit them to the Constitutional Court. Magyar is therefore looking for someone who stands above the political camps.
Doesn’t want to become Hungary’s new president – chess grandmaster Judith Polgar.Image: imago
It is not the new head of government’s only construction site. Four questions and answers about the current situation in Hungary.
What has happened since the election?
Since Tisza’s election victory on April 12, Peter Magyar has restructured the Hungarian state at a rapid pace. In May he formed a government made up of various party politicians and experts and reintroduced the independent Ministry of Health, which Orban had abolished.
Then the dismantling of Orban’s power structures began: the public media was reorganized and apologized for years of propaganda. The government intensified the fight against corruption, several constitutional amendments limited terms of office and prematurely ended the term of President Tamás Sulyok, elected under Fidesz.
To eliminate Orban’s system, Magyar is resorting to his most powerful tool: a two-thirds majority and rapid constitutional changes. This raises doubts among critics.
Where does Magyar stand politically and what is he doing differently?
Peter Magyar himself comes from the Fidesz milieu and benefited from the Orban system for a long time. That’s why he knows its structures well. He did not publicly break with the party until February 2024. He declared that he no longer wanted to tolerate corruption and double standards. He became credible to many because, as an insider, he disclosed internal processes and challenged Orban. Since his break came very late, doubts remain.
Politically, Magyar remains conservative, but places greater value on the rule of law. When forming a government, he relies on expertise rather than loyalty and, for the first time in a long time, appointed several female ministers. In this way, Magyar could help overcome the deep political divides in the country.
How stable is the new system and what are the major tasks?
Magyar wants to position Hungary again as a reliable partner in the EU and NATO. Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz expects Hungary to no longer block Europe’s Ukraine policy. Magyar is less pro-Kremlin than Orban and has eased his blockade, but does not support rapid Ukrainian accession to the EU at any price. Another challenge remains Hungary’s dependence on Russian energy supplies.
Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar speaks to the National Assembly in Budapest.Image: keystone
There are overlaps with Donald Trump on migration, border protection and defense spending. Unlike Orban, however, Magyar does not rely on demonstrative personal closeness to the US President.
Domestic policy will be particularly crucial for the stability of his government. The population will measure Magyar by concrete improvements: in health care and schools, in inflation, real wages and living costs, in the dilapidated infrastructure and in the fight against corruption.
What will become of Orban’s camp?
Despite defeat, Orban’s Fidesz party remains the strongest opposition force with loyal voters and local, media and business networks. At the same time, the camp is losing power: authorities close to Orban are being dissolved, previous deals are being investigated and officials are being replaced. Magyar must decide who to integrate and who to fight politically. At the same time, he must prosecute possible crimes without waging a vendetta against all Fidesz supporters.
Magyar’s handling of Orban’s camp also shows how he wields power himself. Judit Polgar’s hasty nomination fueled criticism among supporters and experts that there had been no broader debate about the appointment to the highest state office before the public announcement. After her cancellation, Magyar admitted a communication error. (schweiztoday.ch)