Demonstrators protest against Donald Trump and the allegations of sexual assault.Image: EPA/Keystone
President Donald Trump survives all the accusations largely unscathed, but they regularly lead to his political opponents resigning. An evaluation shows how big the difference actually is.
July 19, 2026, 02:16July 19, 2026, 02:16
Maria Steinmayr / ch media
Until recently, he was the Democratic candidate for a U.S. Senate seat in Maine. Then a former partner accused him of rape. Graham Platner denies the allegation, but ended his campaign and withdrew his candidacy.
He is not the first Democrat to have his political career falter following allegations of sexual misconduct. A look at comparable cases shows that the parties do not always deal with such allegations in the same way. Donald Trump is the best-known example: Numerous women have accused him of sexual misconduct, from unwanted kissing to sexual assault. Trump denies the allegations.
The author E. Jean Carroll accuses him of sexually assaulting her in the mid-1990s – a civil jury found him guilty in 2023. The Supreme Court rejected his appeal at the end of June 2026, and Carroll has now received around $5.6 million in damages.
In addition to Platner, Al Franken (2017, after allegations of unwanted kissing and groping) and Andrew Cuomo (2021, after an investigation by the New York Attorney General into at least eleven women affected) also resigned in recent years. On the Republican side, however, Pete Hegseth was confirmed as defense minister despite allegations of assault that were made against him and which he denied. Roy Moore remained the official Republican candidate until the end, but lost his Senate election in Alabama in 2017. This shows that the Republican electorate is also reacting.
Especially because of Trump, the impression is that Republicans are more likely to deny such allegations and remain in office, while Democrats are quicker to resign or end their candidacy. But is this impression correct?
Democratic candidate for US Senate Graham Platner gives a speech during a campaign party.Image: AP
What the numbers show
A look at publicly documented cases from the past 30 years shows whether allegations of sexual misconduct have different political consequences for Democrats and Republicans. Nationally relevant US politicians, officials and candidates were considered – including presidents, members of Congress, governors and Cabinet and Senate candidates. Politicians at lower levels were not covered.
Only allegations that involved non-consensual sexual misconduct were included. Consensual affairs were ruled out. The evaluation includes 40 cases between 1996 and 2026. The number of allegations is almost balanced: 19 cases concern Democrats, 21 Republicans. But there is a gap in the consequences: two thirds of the Democratic cases ended in a resignation or withdrawal, while for the Republicans it was a good third. The most noticeable difference is not in the number of allegations, but in how they are handled.
The political scientist Claudia Brühwiler sees the reason first of all in the voters. Approval of the #MeToo movement is significantly higher among Democrats: around 70 percent support it. There is correspondingly great pressure on the party and candidates to quickly distance themselves from several allegations. Many Republicans, on the other hand, considered the movement to be overreaching and questioned more about the nature and evidence of the allegations.
This is also evident in a 2018 survey by the Public Religion Research Institute: 81 percent of Democrats said they would definitely not vote for a candidate who was accused by multiple people of sexual harassment. Among Republicans, however, 56 percent would still consider voting. This shapes the expectations of the parties and how they deal with such allegations.
Why do the parties react so differently?
The second part of the explanation lies in the structure of the parties. The Republicans have a comparatively homogeneous base. It consists largely of white, conservative Christians and is increasingly male-dominated. If this base supports a candidacy, the rest of the party often follows suit – despite internal camps such as MAGA, traditional conservatives or libertarians.
The Democrats, on the other hand, are a coalition of very different groups: white liberals, black voters, Latinos, unionists and urban academics. Because these milieus differ greatly demographically and ideologically, top democratic politicians must react more quickly and more visibly to allegations. Hesitation can alienate a group of voters on whose support the party depends.
How does it fit together that a party sees itself as Christian and yet sticks to accused candidates? Brühwiler points to a cultural pattern: “Hate the sin, not the sinner.” According to her, the crime is condemned, not necessarily the perpetrator – especially if he publicly shows remorse. Such appearances could allow for forgiveness without forcing resignation. Brühwiler still warns against simple explanations. According to her, for every Republican who survives a scandal, there is a counterexample. The media attention is also unevenly distributed. (schweiztoday.ch)
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